The Sinai peninsula is becoming Hell on earth to the Eritrean Migrants & refugees, In addition Israel and Egypt imprison those who escaped the terrible ordeal who already faced a trauma in the hands of the Arab bedouins in the Sinai,who inturn kidnapped these victms in colaboration with corrupt Eritrean Colonels & Generals, in line with the policy of the Eritrean Prisident Isayas Afewrki to destroy,devastate the Eritrean Nation and annehiliate its people.
Rueters: “Israel has launched a forced repatriation of Eritrean migrants that amounts to a grave violation of their human rights because of the risk of persecution in their reclusive homeland, an advocacy group has said.
Israeli authorities have been trying to curb an influx of Africans that has ignited resentment in the poorer neighbourhoods in which they dwell and compounded the fears of many Israelis about eventually being outnumbered in the Jewish state. But humanitarian groups say that forcibly returning African migrants home often exposes them to rights abuses including torture.
Some 60,000 Africans, including 35,000 Eritreans, have walked over a long porous desert border with Egypt into Israel since 2006, Israeli government figures show, and many live in gritty districts of Tel Aviv.Israel regards most as illegal job-seekers but rights agencies say many should be considered for political asylum because of poor human rights records of their home governments.The men who left on Sunday were the first sent back to Eritrea, which was accused last year by the UN human rights chief of practicing torture.”
Deportation is not a solution for ……If these people are returned, their lives will undoubtedly be in danger as the result. People are concerned that Israeli authorities are not acknowledging the imminent and serious danger to the asylum seekers’ lives nor are they processing their asylum claims responsibly, transparently, or fairly. We believe that such treatment of those who have fled from an oppressive and tyrannical regime is unconscionable.
History is repeating by the current government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu…………….a right wing and very dangerous leader who already caused a Hell in Phalestina. His friend in the Horn of Africa Isayas Afeweri, although his psych may not match the Israeli Prime Minister but the evil intentions of both these men match as twins. Surprisingly to many people, is that Israel and the israeli people claim that they are the only democratic “nation” in the Middle East.The evidence is different, when this so called “democratic society kill innocent Eritrean families,by throwing a coctail bomb in their home,killing refugees by the Orthodox Jews in Telavive,Ashdod and Eliat etc….
The UN Human Rights has advised the government of Israel not to deport Eritrean asylum seekers but today we witness…..that history repeating by the same migrant population from Europe and Eastern Europe who were denied their rights to exist are denying refugees who flee the terrible rule of a tyrrant of an unknown magnitude of Crimes.
According to those detained in the Saharonim internment camp for asylum seekers, on July 14, about 15 Eritreans who spent the last yearin Saharonim prison were returned to Asmara, Eritrea where they will face probable arrest, torture, and danger to life. We are aware that there are around 200 Eritreans in total who have been designated to return to Eritrea.
Israeli authorities have been trying to curb an influx of Africans that has ignited resentment in the poorer neighborhoods in which they dwell and compounded the fears of many Israelis about eventually being outnumbered in the Jewish state. But humanitarian groups say that forcibly returning African migrants home often exposes them to rights abuses including torture.
Some 60,000 Africans, including 35,000 Eritreans, have walked over a long porous desert border with Egypt into Israel since 2006, Israeli government figures show, and many live in gritty districts of Tel Aviv.
Israel regards most as illegal job-seekers but rights agencies say many should be considered for political asylum because of poor human rights records of their home governments.
Hotline for Migrant Workers (HMW), an Israeli human rights group, said an initial group of 14 Eritrean men were flown to Asmara, the Eritrean capital, on Sunday, after receiving $1,500 each from Israeli authorities.
They were driven to the airport from one of two desert detention centers that Israel has expanded. A law passed a year ago, and now being contested in its high court, allows the country to jail migrants it says arrived illegally.
Israel had said in the past that it was seeking third-country destinations for Eritreans.
“GRAVE VIOLATION”
Sigal Rozen, public policy coordinator for HMW, a group that objects to most deportations of migrants, told Reuters the latest repatriations were “a grave human rights violation”.
Rozen said those repatriated had signed consent forms but she argued their agreement could not be seen as voluntary because Israeli authorities made clear the only way they would be freed from detention was by returning home.
She said at least one of the Eritreans had said he was a military deserter, and could face punishment at home.
A Tel Aviv-based representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees monitoring migrants’ treatment in Israel had no immediate comment. She said she was seeking confirmation from Israel of the Eritreans’ repatriation.
New York-based Human Rights Watch also condemned the new repatriations. In a statement emailed to news media, Gerry Simpson, a senior HRW refugee researcher, accused Israel of “using the threat of prolonged detention to force Eritrean and Sudanese nationals to give up their asylum claims”.
Worldwide, HRW said, around 80 percent of Eritrean asylum seekers are granted some form of protection because of credible fears of persecution relating to punishment for evading indefinite military service in Eritrea and other widespread rights abuses in the small Horn of Africa state.
Last month, an Israeli government lawyer said at a Supreme Court hearing on the legality of detaining asylum-seekers who entered surreptitiously that a deal to resettle “infiltrators from Eritrea” had been reached with a country she did not name.
At least one group of Africans was flown out of Israel to South Sudan in the past year and other migrants have been offered cash to leave voluntarily. Some 2,000 Africans are being held in the southern detention centers.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said that a fence which Israel completed along most of the Egyptian border earlier this year has significantly reduced the flow of migration from Africa, which hit a peak of 2,000 a month in 2011.
Jerusalem Post:Finally, somebody’s come up with a plausible solution for the African refugee problem: Send Mossad agents to kill the Sinai Beduin smugglers who bring them here.An Eritrean woman said the smugglers beat her to a pulp and got her to call a friend in Sudan for another $500. “But afterward they wanted $1,000 more. They went on beating me and my husband and demanding the money. One man would ask my husband: ‘Do you love your wife?’ If he said ‘yes,’ the man would beat him harder…
(Reuters) - Israel has launched a forced repatriation of Eritrean migrants that amounts to a grave violation of their human rights because of the risk of persecution in their reclusive homeland, an advocacy group said on Monday.
The Government of Eritrea did not report prosecuting or convicting any traffickers during the year. Article 605 of the Eritrean Transitional Criminal Code prohibits trafficking in women and young persons for sexual exploitation, which is punishable by up to five years’ imprisonment, or from three to 10 years’ imprisonment if aggravating circumstances are present; these penalties are sufficiently stringent, but not commensurate with punishments prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. On the Contrary The regime supports and conaive wityh the traffickers (see UNITED NATIONS: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea )
By Tesfazghi Yitbarek
Notes:
Eritrea Gazzet: Israel deports 14 Eritrean asylum seekers
Reuters: Jeffrey Heller and Mark Heinrich)
Jerusalem Post: “Send Mossad agents to kill the Sinai Beduin”
UNITED NATIONS: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea
For any movement to succeed in its mission, it needs to stay one step ahead of its opponent; it needs to identify, develop, prioritize and execute strategic tactics of resistance based on full understanding of the situation, the barriers and opportunities. Despite the fact that an absence of cohesive strategy still persist among Eritrean movements for justice, they are nevertheless cohered around the aim to eliminate dictatorship in Eritrea and to reshape Eritrea’s future in terms of justice, equality, freedom, education and economic development. To survive ferocious government onslaught, the majority of these movements are based in Ethiopia, an archrival of the Eritrean regime. However, choosing Ethiopia as a base is a cause for concern for some Eritreans mainly because they question Ethiopian intentions in helping Eritrean movements. As an alternative, they suggest the regime in Eritrea should only be removed through military coup d’état or peaceful mass protest, modeled after the Arab Spring, specifically that of Egypt. This alternative idea is commonly referred to as “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems”.
It is imperative for one to be aware of other movements that succeeded in achieving their goals and to carefully analyze the course of action that led to their ultimate victory. Case and point was South Africa during apartheid period. The massacre of 69 unarmed protesters in Sharpeville, South Africa and the subsequent banning of the African National Congress (ANC) made it clear to Nelson Mandela that passive and non-violent struggle alone would not force the repressive regime to change. Therefore, in mid-1961 he founded the armed wing of ANC known as “Spear of the Nation”. Though, numerous laws were passed to severely restrict the legal and political arena which almost eliminated ANC’s structures and networks; it reinvigorated itself by setting up military bases in neighboring countries. ANC’s approach to fighting the apartheid government was an all-round struggle with four components known as “the four pillars of struggle”; armed movement, underground organization, mass mobilization and international solidarity. Similarly, for the Eritrean struggle for justice to succeed it necessitates the same approach and cohesion.
As the resistance escalated, ANC’s use of Mozambique as its base became a major contributor to its military successes as compared to that of Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) whose base remained in South Africa facing government security forces head on. In the late 1980s, the mass revolt organized by underground organizations and intensification of the armed struggle enhanced mobilization of international condemnations of South Africa’s repressive regime. The moral legitimacy and necessity of carrying out an armed struggle was asserted in ANC’s manifesto as “The choice is not ours; it has been made by the Nationalist government.” The idea of moral legitimacy and necessity of armed struggle brings us back to Eritrea and raises the following question: What pillars of struggle Eritrean movements should have to effectively fight and defeat the regime in Asmara?
It is perhaps understandable why some Eritreans are fearful of Ethiopian government and suspect their southern neighbor having ulterior motives that are not beneficial to Eritreans after more than 30 years of war between the two nations and 15 years of feud that followed suit over their borders. However, these claims of ulterior motives have never been substantiated by evidence. The greatest fear most people who oppose Ethiopian support to Eritrean movements is that Ethiopia may forcefully replace the regime in Asmara by a puppet government that will allow Ethiopia to grab a huge chunk of Eritrean territory like the port of Assab. However, those critics fail to recognize that majority of Eritreans who fight for justice are doing so because they themselves refuse to be puppets of any regime in the first place. Furthermore, considering the current circumstances in Eritrea, Ethiopia would not need the help of Eritrean movements to occupy Assab if that was indeed its desire. The topic of baseless accusations that are directed at Eritrean movements and Ethiopian government has been extensively addressed by many Eritrean writers and politicians. Therefore, the focus of this article will be to highlight the importance of building geostrategic alliances with supportive governments as one of the pillars of struggle and a part of the operational strategy of Eritrean movements.
In the context of this article, a geostrategic alliance is an agreement between Eritrean movements and other states to deal with the political problems in Eritrea and pursuit of mutual benefits while keeping the independence of all parties involved. For Eritrean movements, these alliances are not instruments of convenience. They are critical tools for their success and a guarantee for their survival at a time where they are most vulnerable. All things considered, from all countries bordering Eritrea, the most suitable and worthwhile sanctuary for any Eritrean movement is Ethiopia. So far Ethiopia has opened its doors for all of these movements to freely operate within its territory and has provided limited financial and logistical support. In doing so, Ethiopian government has been clear about its goals and priorities when it comes to dealing with Eritrea; they know the PFDJ regime can’t be trusted again, they want a strong ally government on the north, and they want good economic cooperation between the two countries. For Eritreans, building alliances with Ethiopia and other countries present great benefits as well. Those benefits can be broadly categorized into pre and post the fall of PFDJ opportunities.
Presently, Eritrean movements can use Ethiopia to organize, plan, strengthen their military wing, conduct essential operations and avoid a more organized government force when needed. For example, ELF and EPLF used Sudan as a staging area from which they mounted several attacks and as an outlet for contact with the outside world for many years. Eritrean movements for justice are also in need of financial resources, arms and ammunitions, communications equipment, transportation, logistical supplies such as food and fuel that can be readily available and easily accessible from ally governments. In addition to Diaspora activities, friendly states can give Eritrean movements some political leverage. The states with their diplomatic clout can push for recognition of a particular movement in the international arena while rejecting legitimacy of the dictatorial regime. These states can also assist in brokering deals between different factions and put forward incentives to encourage integration of forces and establishment of stronger and more united front.
Without a doubt, PFDJ’s xenophobia and its attempts to gain unfair political and economic advantages over Eritrea’s neighboring countries has played a key role in escalation of hostilities in the region. Consequently, Eritrean movements share the responsibility of clearing mistrust that was spawned by PFDJ for over two decades. In post PFDJ Eritrea, depending on a number of variables, including healthy doses of economic and political ties between Eritrea and its neighbors will create prosperity in the region and avoid destructive competition that may otherwise arise between them. Therefore, Eritrean movements should take first steps to bridge the gap between Eritrea and neighboring countries and to educate the public about the short and long term opportunities of building geostrategic alliances with supportive states.
Additionally, disillusionment with previous wars and tireless PFDJ propaganda portraying Ethiopia as having ulterior motives has undeniably implanted isolationist mentality in some Eritreans. Although this mentality is common among PFDJ supporters, few anti-PFDJ Eritreans have not yet grown out of it, leading them to adopt slogans such as “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems”. By adopting these slogans, they claim a desirable and authentic Eritrean solution to Eritrean problems can be achieved only if the people residing in Eritrea plan and remove the regime. Although, these slogans sound compelling, they often lack insight and are normally accompanied by ambiguous goals and trivial actions, which sometimes do more harm to the cause than good. Not only did they play a role in ideological divide between some organizations resulting in their breakup but also, people who adopt these slogans expect for a nonviolent movement to erupt in Eritrean towns ignoring the fact that a nation of less than four million is already housing more than 10,000 prisoners of conscience, the PFDJ is one of the most brutal regimes to exist in the 20th and 21st centuries, and peaceful demands made by some Eritreans has only resulted in disappearances of most of them. Additionally, most Eritreans who are between the ages of 16 and 45 have remained in the army as conscripts or fled the country leaving behind young children and the elderly. Given the circumstances in Eritrea, it would be highly unlikely for civilians to revolt peacefully. And in the unlikely event of a civilian revolt, the regime would not hesitate to use deadly force to crash it.
The other option for “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems” ideologues is for a military coup d’état to take place in Eritrea. Although, it is possible for the Eritrean military to revolt and overthrow the regime, adopting this option as an independent and preferable solution is also problematic. First of all, any movement that claims to be fighting for justice should have plans and actions based on clear goals and objectives. Leaving the task of removing Eritrean regime to a military coup alone, which may or may not happen is an illogical strategy. Even if a military coup happens in the future, there is a great chance for it will be perpetrated by power hungry military officers seeking not to bring about structural regime change, but to rule the nation in their own way and without legitimacy. Therefore, the whole notion of “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems” is based on fear of Ethiopian intentions, believing in trivial actions, doing awareness campaigns to teach those who are already living it, not understanding the nature of PFDJ fully, thinking that the outcome can be controlled merely because the event is carried out by people residing in Eritrea and most of all it is a strategy based on emotions, not careful evaluation of realities.
Rather than dismissing some methods of struggle first and then asking how to manage with what’s left, Eritrean movements must adopt an all-round struggle with leadership that is capable of analyzing internal and external factors to understand available options, capabilities, priorities and a leadership that is meticulous in setting goals and objectives in response to the demands of current situation – and only when these plans are executed appropriately will they achieve their goals. Each situation is to some extent, unique and must be treated as such. Nevertheless, making intelligent choices in consideration to current situation and future implications is always critical for success. Therefore, when a movement defines its pillars of struggle, a careful analysis should be conducted on how internal and external factors come into play. Some of these factors are history and nature of the regime, strengths and weaknesses of the regime, political situations in the country and in the region, people’s sentiment, population centers, economic conditions in the country, and the regime’s external ties. One obvious fact is that there is a large Eritrean population in Diaspora; hence, forming a social movement in Diaspora to unite Eritrean people around a common understanding and goals should be the first pillar. Since the regime’s obsession with excessive force leaves no room for peaceful marches, having armed resistance as second pillar is not only legitimate but essential. Eritreans inside the country can’t openly and freely organize themselves; hence creating underground networks with links to the military wing should be the third pillar. While, the fourth pillar should be alliance building for Eritrean movements to have access to neighboring countries from which their military wings operate and to get political and material support from other allies. A movement that succeeds in building these four pillars may be able to rally Diaspora Eritreans behind its goals. Whereas, its military wing in coordination with underground networks inside Eritrea may carryout surprise attacks on selected government targets leading to the movement’s recognition by the international community and support for its cause. After all, ANC’s model of struggle with some adjustments may be what Eritrean movements need to succeed in bringing about justice, democracy, economic prosperity and lasting peace.
“Let us train our minds to desire what the situation demands.” – Lucius Annaeus Seneca
Tomas Solomon
These are my personal views and may not represent the views of others.
The International Management Development Association (IMDA) in the TWENTY SECOND WORLD BUSINESS CONGRESS, which was held in National Taipei University in Taipei, Republic of China (Taiwan) from June 25-29, 2013 has awarded the Research Fellow to Desalegn Abraha Gebrekidan in recognition of research contributions and commitment to the standard and goals of the IMDA.
Desalegn Abraha, Associate Professor (Docent) in Business Administration at the University of Skövde, Sweden, conducts research in areas such as the establishment processes in foreign markets; strategic alliances in international markets; international business in emerging markets; and financial services with gender perspective.
TOMAS: “ERITREAN SOLUTIONS FOR ERITREAN PROBLEMS”… DO MORE HARM TO THE CAUSE THAN GOOD
______________________________
For the last two decades Eritreans seem desperate failing to build a “New Eritrea“after waging their blood to their “miraculous independence”. The most significant value of the struggle: “Everything is possible; nothing is impossible.” The mass based struggle resisted and defeated bigger Ethiopia initially supported by USA and later by USSR throughout the struggle of the Eritrean people for independence. Foreign support to Eritrean cause was intermittent and meager; Eritreans robustly concentrated on its own internal potentiality and capacity mobilizing its citizens inside and outside of the country.
Nonetheless, currently, the growing notion of ‘self-defeatism’, ‘self-centrism’ and ‘self-mismanagement’ has begun to devaluate the internal initiatives, motivation, potentiality, resources and intellect to bring a fundamental changes in Eritrea. Most of the time ‘practical change’ comes from few citizens who own brave heart and live with the spirit of resilience and persistence. Thomas argues in his short article, “’Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems’… do more harm to the cause than good”.
The Government of Eritrea becomes more violent and militaristic which does not tolerate and accept any form of differences and critics. Within the last twenty years, it subjugated various attempts of resistance such as army revolts (1993), protest of disabled veterans (1994), G-15’s reformation (2001) and Forto Movement (2013). Huge human power remains under forced military conscription. A large number of students are located in substandard colleges with a military surveillance which causes continuous brain drain of intellectuals and fled of massive youth to neighboring countries looking for better futurity. And thousands of Eritreans suffers in jail without trial and bail. In my perspective, at this moment the citizens get suffered not because of the PIA has political and economic legitimacy, but you and me could not establish a ‘unified struggle’ with true reflection of the suffered people.
Tomas has done a lot of efforts to associate Eritrean case with South African struggles though the ground, nature, character and implications have been quite different from what we are experiencing to liberate our country at this moment. But, the four pillars that he has mentioned seem very significant whenever they get proper assessment and application in the context of Eritrea. However, the justifications and analysis, brought by Thomas, to substantiate the significance of foreign intervention in Eritrean case undermining the home based change lacks objectivity and proper conceptualization. Obviously, it is very necessary to get unconditional ground and facilities in Ethiopia, but Eritreans must be the drivers of their cause; and must secure the interest of their people under any circumstances since they have a national obligation and responsibility. Otherwise, if Eritreans take the support of Ethiopia as “manna” as such falling from sky, they need to revise their network.
Some of the readers forwarded the following comments with mixed feelings:
Tesfamicael: 100% I agree with you [Thomas]
Denden: Extremely POOR article!
Tes: This is the best article has ever written about how we can solve the impasse in opposition and how to adapt a strategic method of struggle.
Thomas (Commentator): Great article, Tomas. If Ethiopia desires to see a puppet regime in Eritrea, it already has one. That is the regime of Dictator Issayas who has isolated the country from the world and by turning into a mafia states, our has been sanctioned over and over.
The Truth: I don’t know what’s worse, the article or the people who state that it’s great. A majority of the Eritrean people reject Ethiopian intervention. Why can’t brain dead opposition members see that? Has the hate in your heart all but clouded your minds?
TwoWayStreet: This is my concern, because at this moment it is non-existent. In case of a PFDJ sudden downfall, there is no viable Eritrean entity to fill the void which opens the door to Ethiopian intervention in the name of regional peace, security, stability…etc. This could be done either independently through the blessing of the international community or through a puppet organization. (Remember we still don’t have a united opposition group that could fend off any outside pressure, and remember that Ethiopia is driving the IGAD, AU, and UN regarding Eritrean issues).
TwoWayStreet summarizes the “unfounded Ethiopia’s ulterior motives”: dissolving the federation and forced annexation of Eritrea; ambition to have access to sea; diplomatic muscles in steering IGAD, AU, the UN another international forces and the existence of chevonestic national feeling to unite Eritrea with Ethiopia.
Kalighe: We want good relations with Ethiopia, and should work hard to improve every aspect of that relation in a way that helps build trust, mutual interest and durable peace among the two countries. However, we should never be under any illusion that, it has dropped it’s territorial ambitions…
In spite of its significant feedback, I am interested to view the justifications more critically, because he attempted to substantiate the necessity of foreign intervention in Eritrea without considering certain historic roots, political attributing factors and socio-economic, ethnographic, demographic, religious consequences. It is subject for research how the common people define Ethiopia as a strategic ally or permanent enemy. Let me state some of his points:
Tomas: In doing so, Ethiopian government has been clear about its goals and priorities when it comes to dealing with Eritrea; they know the PFDJ regime can’t be trusted again, they want a strong ally government on the north, and they want good economic cooperation between the two countries. For Eritreans, building alliances with Ethiopia and other countries present great benefits as well. Those benefits can be broadly categorized into pre and post the fall of PFDJ opportunities.
ME: In my view this is a ‘DIPLOMATIC SPEECH’ that may happen or may not be happened. But in politics what we need to see critically- there are overt and covert approaches. We cannot reach in conclusion whether Ethiopia needs passive or puppet or strong government in North/Eritrea. Through our history of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia has hegemonic character- suppressing the aspiration of Oromo and Ogaden people for liberation; violating the free worship of Ethiopian Muslims; displacing and persecuting indigenous people in Gambela and other areas; jailing and torturing critical journalists and political dissidents under the law of terror and currently contradicting the final and binding boarder agreement with Eritrea. (http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2011/af/186196.htm). I do believe that we have sick home; no doubt, we need absolute change in Eritrea. But, I do not believe that a sick system with some “epidemic problem” can bring a good medication to our home. These sick systems should be medicated separately considering its particularities to avoid further unnecessary infections.
Tomas: Without a doubt, PFDJ’s xenophobia and its attempts to gain unfair political and economic advantages over Eritrea’s neighboring countries has played a key role in escalation of hostilities in the region. Consequently, Eritrean movements share the responsibility of clearing mistrust that was spawned by PFDJ for over two decades. In post PFDJ Eritrea, depending on a number of variables, including healthy doses of economic and political ties between Eritrea and its neighbors will create prosperity in the region and avoid destructive competition that may otherwise arise between them. Therefore, Eritrean movements should take first steps to bridge the gap between Eritrea and neighboring countries and to educate the public about the short and long term opportunities of building geostrategic alliances with supportive states.
Me: Mr. Tomas said, “[PFDJ] attempts to gain unfair political and economic advantages over Eritrea’s neighboring countries [which] has played a key role in escalation of hostilities in the region. Primarily, stating Eritrea narrowly as key player for destabilization of the Horn of Africa is absurd, inconsiderate and undocumented which totally ignores the grass root of the conflict and the geo-political interest of foreign powers before PFDJ appeared to scene. Nonetheless, I do accept the PROXY WAR between Eritrea and Ethiopia which has worsened the political tectonic of the region. I do not find your analysis is impartial conceiving the government of Ethiopia as “Good Samaritans in the Horn of Africa”. We need to address the situation in more fair, sincere and balanced way finding out all the attributing factors which lead to chronic conflict in the Horn of Africa. But political oriented analysis usually brought confusion and harms the validity of your work as writer.
In spite of the fact that I do not have the precise figure of unfair economic gains of Eritrea over Ethiopian resource, there are some sources which shows that Eritrea had illegal collection of foreign currency, coffee and minerals. From legal point of view, it is unacceptable, but equally it is unacceptable that the unilateral decision of the Government of Eritrea to allow Ethiopia to use Port of Asseb (i.e. Eritrean resource) almost for free. At this moment the annual expenditure of Ethiopia in Port of Djibouti reaches closer to ONE BILLION US DOLLARS. How much money that Eritrea was losing for the first 7 years (1991-1998). How much profit did Eritrea get involving in illegal collection foreign currency and other resources? Only professional economists can give us a clear mathematical precision: Who was exploiting? Who was being exploited? Personally, for the sake of sustainable peace in the region, I support mutual interest and mutual growth to neutralize such unhealthy economic competitions and political conspiracy.
Tomas: Additionally, disillusionment with previous wars and tireless PFDJ propaganda portraying Ethiopia as having ulterior motives has undeniably implanted isolationist mentality in some Eritreans. Although this mentality is common among PFDJ supporters, few anti-PFDJ Eritreans have not yet grown out of it, leading them to adopt slogans such as “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems”. By adopting these slogans, they claim a desirable and authentic Eritrean solution to Eritrean problems can be achieved only if the people residing in Eritrea plan and remove the regime. Although, these slogans sound compelling, they often lack insight and are normally accompanied by ambiguous goals and trivial actions, which sometimes do more harm to the cause than good.
Me: Putting aside the propaganda machine of PFDJ, I am always worried with increasing political incubation of political parties in the soil of Ethiopia without solid, insightful and meaningful political agenda and program established along the lines of ethnicity, religion, and region which do not give prioritization to the common national problems that we have. Most of the opposition parties lose mass support as they fail to realize and click the aspiration of the people. Some of the sections claim ethnic based secessionism; and others systematically reviving the sentiment of “Unionism” undermining the values Eritrean armed struggle for independence instead of portraying the positive and negative merits of the struggle in more balanced and objective manners. No matter the existence or inexistence of ulterior motive of Ethiopia, I totally object the political chemistry of the opposition parties which promotes further division, hatred, tension, and competition among Eritrean societies that hamper the struggle for justice. These are the groups that you are expecting to take power with the blessings of foreign intervention.
Mr. Tomas, I don’t understand the intention of your article very precisely as you have attempted to stand against the approach such as “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems”. I am confused with your political philosophy- Who is going to do your homework? Why do you ignore or at least undermine “home grown change”? What is wrong if Eritrean problems addressed by Eritreans? In my opinion, I do not believe that the existing government in Eritrea is a legitimated system; and it is not powerful enough to suppress mass based revolt for change if it gets erupted at any time, because the dissatisfaction extended from “A” up to “Z”. The government normally survives in power because you and me are very weak or probably self-centered expecting change at the expense of others or more explicitly like your whim waiting others to do “our assignments”. Unless we accept our weakness, who is going to accept it? Why do we fear self-correction and self-designed solution?
Naturally, in history there is no plain change without imprisonment, torture and sacrifice. We can liberate our country whenever we win to liberate ourselves from fear and egoism. Besides, we should eliminate the sub-national feelings concentrating to solve our national problems at national level. If you don’t shoulder your responsibility, who is going to shoulder you? If you don’t trust on yourself, how others trust you? If you are not capable to solve your problems today, who is going to solve your problems tomorrow? Have you ever viewed the terrible consequences of foreign intervention in various countries such as Syria, Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Congo, and others? I feel sorry as you are waiting medication from ill-medicated nation such as Ethiopia. Change must come purely from Eritreans; and it must go to serve Eritreans.
Tomas: The other option for “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems” ideologues is for a military coup d’état to take place in Eritrea. Although, it is possible for the Eritrean military to revolt and overthrow the regime, adopting this option as an independent and preferable solution is also problematic. First of all, any movement that claims to be fighting for justice should have plans and actions based on clear goals and objectives. Leaving the task of removing Eritrean regime to a military coup alone, which may or may not happen is an illogical strategy. Even if a military coup happens in the future, there is a great chance for it will be perpetrated by power hungry military officers seeking not to bring about structural regime change, but to rule the nation in their own way and without legitimacy.
Me: Tomas, we should not be necessary to be more desperate and pessimistic about the futurity of Eritrea. According to your article, foreign baked rebel army is more preferable to internal military coup d’état which has a great chance for it will be perpetrated by power hungry military officers seeking not to bring about structural regime change. Mr. Thomas, you should not have a prophetic political analysis to meet certain political ends or preoccupied objectives. In my eyes, we do not have an icon military officer in Eritrea as capable as PIA to establish another autocratic government; most of the army commanders do not respect each other. They live with fear and irreconcilable competition for self esteem and personal interest.
What confused me about your analysis is that you have an absolute trust on fragmented, immature and rival opposition parties baked by Ethiopia to safeguard our national interest ignoring the possibility of the internal coup as something architected by “power hungry military officers”. There is low probability that Eritrea will fall in the hands military regime though it may be necessary to be practiced during power transition or emergency. But, it is an illusion analysis that the practical change could be brought by certain ambitious political elites as most of the leaders in opposition block are obsessed with power struggle, ethnicity, religion and region prioritizing their self-interest and the interest of their organization.
In my perspective, genuine change can come only through mass based revolt or protest, not by particular group which has its own particular political agenda working to impose on its people as it is hard to create win-win situations when the undefined and untested political entities are selfish and egotistical. I do not have much expectation that one group which is incapable to manage itself is capable to manage others. Most of the opposition parties are living as “parasite” in host country.
Tomas: A movement that succeeds in building these four pillars may be able to rally Diaspora Eritreans behind its goals. Whereas, its military wing in coordination with underground networks inside Eritrea may carryout surprise attacks on selected government targets leading to the movement’s recognition by the international community and support for its cause.
Me: I always disagree with aggressive, militaristic and desperate action of the PFDJ which never ends the endless tears of our mothers. Brother Thomas, there is a logic which has to be considered: conflict usually brings other conflict. If we believe in violence to meet our political ends, we should not bit the drum of war putting ourselves in black suit with a magnificent necktie.
Don’t advise others to do what you don’t do yourself. Be vigilant the hardware of PIA is not more functioning, but the software is still active as it inculcates in the mind of many citizens. Our assignment is to develop well updated software which is powerful to replace the old and wrong software that is destructive in many instances. Our people should be enlightened, mobilized and organized with the right software to determine their futurity.
Conclusion
Human beings could not have the same nature as they posses different elements of personalities as Plato stated – rational elements (wisdom/ imbecility), spirited elements (courageous or cowardly) and appetitive element (physiological desires- egoist/altruist). The road for justice is not smooth; it is full of up and down. They are very few who are capable to travel along that road marching with brave heart and visionary mind to bring justice. If you fail to travel along that road, let others to continue their journey. I do believe that we have visionary leaders in opposition parties strove for true change.
Mr. Tomas, am I calling foreign intervention since PFDJ is a powerful and legitimated system in Eritrea or am I getting failed to enlighten, convince, mobilize and organize the mass to turn against the unjust system? Have I ever thought why I failed to do my assignment myself? Is there a free lunch on the face of the earth? What it costs me calling others to do my job? Is foreign intervention my political ego or the demand of the majority? We need to do intensive research and public consultation for writing such article which is vague and biased.
“As long as you look for someone else to validate who you are by seeking their approval, you are setting yourself up for disaster. You have to be whole and complete in yourself. No one can give you that. You have to know who you are – what others say is irrelevant.” Nic Sheff echoes.
If you want to build a strong, united, peaceful, democratic and prosperous nation, we should give prior space to “Eritreocentric Solution”. Eritreans should be the architect of their futurity.
By Ashish Kumar Sen
The Washington Times
Sunday, July 21, 2013
Egypt’s lawless Sinai Peninsula is a living hell for thousands of refugees from sub-Saharan Africa who are being kidnapped and tortured by a network of rapacious human traffickers.
Most of the refugees are Eritrean Christians; others are from Ethiopia and Sudan.
“We have an idea about hell from the Bible,” said Yonas Habte, a 32-year-old Eritrean Pentecostal Christian who was trapped by the traffickers. “In Sinai, I saw hell.”
The traffickers chain together groups of men and women; pour molten plastic on their bodies; deprive them of food, water and sleep; subject them to vicious beatings and electric shocks; and force them to smoke hashish and rape one another, according to survivors interviewed by The Washington Times.
“They forced us to behave like animals,” Mr. Habte said in a phone interview from Cairo, where he was released in May after his sister in Australia paid a $40,000 ransom.
In Eritrea, Mr. Habte was persecuted because of his religion.
“Our church was locked. We couldn’t even pray to our own God,” he said.
In December, he fled to Sudan in search of a better life but became trapped in a vicious network of extortionists.
Sudanese soldiers arrested him and sold him to members of the Rashaida, an Arab tribe, which in turn drove him to the Sinai, where they sold him to Bedouin traffickers.
“Many of the refugees fleeing into Sudan do not get very far before they are taken by the Rashaida,” said John Stauffer, president of the America Team for Displaced Eritreans.
“Eritrean forces turn them over to the Rashaida, or they are sitting prey, kidnapped while walking to the nearest town in Sudan.”
Once in the Sinai, the kidnappers give their captives mobile phones and demand that they call their families to beg for large ransoms.
“These people are tortured while their families are listening on the other end,” said Stockholm-based Meron Estefanos, co-founder of the International Commission on Eritrean Refugees.
Security in the Sinai has worsened since Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi was ousted by the military July 3, after four days of massive protests against the Islamist leader. Bedouins have attacked Egyptian military personnel. Christians, too, have been assaulted.
A 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty limits the number of Egyptian forces that can be deployed in the Sinai. This month, in an acknowledgment of the grave situation there, Israel permitted the Egyptian army to deploy two more infantry battalions to the peninsula.
The flow of asylum seekers into Israel from the Sinai slowed to a trickle last year after Israel constructed a fence on the border with Egypt to keep out African migrants.
“As the refugee flow to Israel decreased, the Rashaida started to lose money, so they began to kidnap refugees from camps inside Sudan,” Ms. Estefanos said.
Sudanese soldiers guarding the United Nations’ Shagarab refugee camp in eastern Sudan often work with the kidnappers.
“A large proportion of refugees are abducted from the camps,” said Mirjam van Reisen, a professor at Tilburg University in the Netherlands who co-authored a report on human trafficking in the Sinai with Ms. Estefanos.
Girmay Berhane, a 23-year-old Eritrean Christian, was a refugee at the Shagarab camp when he was arrested by local police because he did not have the proper papers. He later was sold to the Rashaida and then to Bedouin traffickers in Egypt.
Mr. Berhane’s captors demanded that each person in his group pay a $50,000 ransom.
“When we told them this is too much money they started to beat us with sticks, metal pipes and chains,” Mr. Berhane said in a phone interview from Cairo, where he arrived two months ago. “They asked if we had family in America or any other Western countries. If we told them we did, they wanted even more money.”
Their captor, a Bedouin named Abu Omar, had four henchmen who were eager to please their boss by carrying out his barbaric orders.
“They did very bad things to us on his orders,” Mr. Habte said.
Many of the migrants are “forced into sexual servitude or forced labor during their captivity in the Sinai,” the State Department said in its annual report on human trafficking. “Reports of physical and sexual abuse continue to increase.”
Even children are not spared.
Ms. van Reisen heard from survivors about a 6-month-old baby who was beaten in an attempt to force its parents to beg for ransom money.
The huge ransoms that the traffickers demand devastate families. Communities in the diaspora, including in the U.S., often pool their resources to collect the money.
As of May, more than 54,000 asylum seekers had migrated to Israel through the Egyptian Sinai border, according to Physicians for Human Rights-Israel.
“It is the responsibility of the Egyptian government to stop the torture in the Sinai, but Israel is also responsible for taking care of the victims,” said Shahar Shoham, a project director with Physicians for Human Rights-Israel.
Israel this week started repatriating Eritreans in a move criticized by rights groups concerned about the safety of these migrants. The Interior Ministry said all such returns are voluntary.
“The situation in Israel is very bad for refugees and asylum seekers,” said a 24-year-old Eritrean Christian who identified himself only as Daniel out of concern for his family’s safety.
Daniel, who was held in the Sinai, was left by his captors at the Israel border a year ago. In Israel, he was held at a detention camp in the Negev Desert for 2 months and then transferred to a government shelter in Petah Tikva, a city about 7 miles east of Tel Aviv.
Israel doesn’t accept them as refugees, he said in a telephone interview from the shelter.
“They call us infiltrators. We face up to three years in detention. This is the reality here in Israel,” he said.
Authorities in Europe, meanwhile, have started to investigate the flow of ransom money from the diaspora communities to the traffickers.
In the first case of its kind in Europe, two Swedish men were convicted last month of extortion after they demanded $33,000 from Ms. Estefanos to secure the release of a hostage held in the Sinai.
One of the men was sentenced to a month in prison and probation, while the other got probation.
The hostage was tortured to death by his captors.
Ashish Kumar Sen is a reporter covering foreign policy and international developments for The Washington Times. Prior to joining The Times, Mr. Sen worked for publications in Asia and the Middle East. His work has appeared in a number of publications and online news sites including the British Broadcasting Corp., Asia Times Online and Outlook magazine.
The last two years, Eritreans have been involved in active demonstration against the dictator in the diaspora and even people inside Eritrean have been expressing their dissatisfaction through different means. And 2012 and 2013 have been unique in Eritrea and Eritreans in diaspora for active political movements and awareness’s.
